^.,- V /■ 



SPEECH 



DELIVERED AT LYNN, MASS., 



NOVEMBER 1, 1858, 



. BY GEORGE B. LORING, OF SALEM, 

Democratic Candidate for Congress from the Sixth 

District. 



PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE SALEM ADVOCATE, 

1858. 



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Fellow dcmocrcd'i. Fellow ciiizer.s 



of the election, after loiig and incessant labor 



I congratulate you on the auspice'-- 
■under which, as citizens and democrats, "we 
meet liere to take council together tpon 
those high political qnestions, which occupy 
■US, as an American people. The cloud 
■which lias hung over our community, and 
■which twelve months ago gave a severer chill 
to the approach of winter, and brought 
pinching penury into your very households, 
is now passing away. The industry of the 
artizan. the mechanic, the laborer, has its 
prorai e of a sure reward. And as we look 
beyond our own community, into the great 
national field of politics, we can rejoice, as 
patriots, as Ameiicans, over the ever bright- 
ening refulgence which gathers around the 
policy of our countrj^, and gives through 
each succeeding event in our history, new 
lustre to the career of the national democ- 
racy. We are at peace at heme and abroad, 
and amidst tlie conflicts of parties, and the 
strifes of ambition, amidst the ' cunning de- 
vices" of factions and the temporary tri- 
umphs of intrigue, the principles of the con 



in the towns and cities with which you arc 
associated for congressional purposes, to pre- 
sent to the people of Lynn these things 
which I conceive belong to their political 
salvation. Since I received the nomination, 
I have met with every variety of charge, and 
have been presented in every variety ot form, 
until I have almost begun to doubt my own 
identity. A corresodudent fr. .m this city pro- 
claimed one morning through a daily journal 
in the city of Boston, that J was a " Buchan- 
an democrat"— as if hat were a term of op- 
nrobrium, against which any hi. nest demo- 
crat would care to defend himself. But the 
very next day the same correspondent in the 
same pap<^r, announced that I was a " Doug- 
las democrat" — as if that too were an odi- 
ous distinetiun. I leave all such classifica- 
tions as these fnr the enj'iyment of those 
who stick fast in a dilemma of their own 
creatine. And as a last resort of the en- 
a miserable falsehood with regard to 



cmy, - — 

some surgical cruelty said to have been com- 
mitted many years ago, at a safe distance 



stitution as laid down and interpreted by for the perpetrator of the calumny, has been 
democratic statesmen, shine forth far above urged upon the community with an industry 
the storm, a beacon light to the nation, and' which has led me to feel that my political 
the accepted guide of '"the American people. Irecord must be a strong one, when such Mse 
Demagogues may misuse them, on the one and wretched assaults upon my private 
liand,lind legal "sophists may deny them on'character are deemed necessary 



the other, but they ai-e the national faith and 
lie at the very heart of the people. 

I stand here, fellow citizens, under pecu- 
liar circumstances — not vo^Iuntarily, not of 
my own choice, but by order of the conven- 
tion which placed me in nomination as a 
candidate for one of the highest and most 
important offices in the gift of the people 
I have been instructed to discuss before the 
people of this district, those principles of 



Now, fellow citizens, I am here to defend 
democratic principles, not as a partizan,not as 
the advocate of any man or any set of men in 
this country. I sustain the administration, 
and repel with scorn and indignation all at- 
tempts to identify it with any special section 
or interest, by senseless cries of pro-slavery, 
hunker, slave-driving and southern dictation. 
For I remember that this present adminis- 
tration is the work of the national democracy. 



governmental policy which have made its a accomplished amidst just such a storm ot just 
great nation, and I am here, on the very evelsuch cries as these, and placed m power with 



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the hearty approval of all men who love thciiicvery locality to settle for themselves, and 
cnintry better tlian a .scetionul triumph, oriwhich would have been peaceably settled, in 
thuu a constant agitation for political purpos- the new slates, as it was in the old ones, but 



OS. And I thank God at this hour, that the 
destinies of our nation are in the hands of 
men whose p<jl icy is utterly and eternally op- 
jioseil to the dangerous designs of the repub- 
lican party, and whose path to power is strewn 
with the dead and wounded of a routed scc- 
ti.'ual faction. And as an uncompromising 
national democrat I am filled witli wonder aiul 
admiration at the gallant struggle against the 
enemies of our country, in which senator 
l)ouglas is engaged in his own state. WJien 1 
nee him fighting almost single-handed against 
the enemies of the pcojilc, against the sectional 
agitators c^f Illinois, against the natural oppo- 
nents of democracy, against all the modern in- 
ventions of a subtle and unprincipled organi- 
zation, I luiitc with the spontaneous sentiment 
of the democracy everywhere in looking foi 
his success with breathless anxiety. M^ 
heart goes with every democrat when there- 
jaiblicau hounds are on his track. 

1 come here then not as a partizan or a fac 
tionist, but as a citizen of Massachusetts, as 
a national democrat, to apjjealto the national 



for the operations of political traders anxious 
for capital iu the transaction of their business. 
It is this question v,'hich involves all that is 
at issue between the contending parties of the 
present cky. It is this question upon which 
the fate of our republic scsras to hang. It is 
the settlement of this question which contains 
the whole principle of government under 
which we live, and which is destined to test 
(he strength of that fabric which our fathers 
reared on this continent with so much pride 
and hope. For, let me tell you, the domestic 
institutions of the several states in this con- 
federacy, are to be left sacredly where the 
constitution leaves them, and the citizens of 
tlie various states are to enjoy the privileges 
)f citizenship over all the common domain of 
[his republic, or we shall come to all the hor- 
rors of a revolution, with a uqw system of 
j^overnment, a new constitution. For myself 
L revere a,nd admire and believe in the con- 
stitution as it exists. I believe in it as abend 
jf union, which offers throughout a powerful 
confederacy, "equal and exact justice to all 



sentiment of this district, to that seutiment|mcn." I believe in it as containing within 
wliich 1 know pervades our community, andjitself a remedy for all existing evils, in our 
whicli only needs light to lead it into a bold republic, through the j^ower which it confer.s 
and honest expression. I do not propose tojupou the pcoijlc "to regulate their own affiiirs 
discuss state matters — for I find in the dom-jin their own way" — a peaceful power of pro- 
inant party here in Massachusetts coraposedgress and reform, before which all the woes 
asitis of couflicting factions, ample and con-:of civil discord pass awaj^ and all tlic glories 
vincing record of the true character of the of revolutions sink into insignificance. If 
rulers here. I can goto the friends of Gov. j we are pros])crous therefore, and arc ad vane- 
Gardner for a judgment upon the removal ofing on a high caicer, let its adhere to thecon- 
•ludge Coring, and I can go to Gov. Banks's stitution. If we have evils among us, Ictus 
friends for ajndgment upon the enormous debtjlook to the constitution for relief, and learn 
with which preceding administrations have[that whatever the question may be upon this 
burthcncd our state. It is not necessary that:matter of sLvvery in the states and territories 
democrats should expose the political corrup-jthe great principle of j^opular sovereignty, 
tiou of those in power in .Massachu.setts — out found in the constitution, furnisKes a safe 
of their own mouths tlioy are condemned, [and equitable adjustment. 

But as a candidate for a national office, Ij For the first time in the lustory of the 
am calle.l tipon to discuss national (luestionsjworld, the government which lias been estab- 
— not Ijunks, nor tariffs, not our foreign rela-|lished on this continent confers sovereign 
tions. norour iiitcrnal improvements, but that.power upon tho people, and upwt the various 
one all pcrvarling. all absorbing question, Jcivil organizations into which they are di- 
thut which fills the mind of all of y(.u who sitvidcd. Ecpublics have risen and fallen. 
licrc in my prcscnce.and before which all other Ihnpires Imvc been elevated to meridian splen- 
.|ucstirins .sink ii.to insignificance in an excit-;<lor and have gone down in night. Moil- 
ed community. I mean of course the (|uestion'arc]ues have shot across tlic sky like meteors. 
of Hluvcry— that question which under the and like meteors have vanished into gloom. 
Hilent opcratrjii of our government, under the IJut nowhere, in no civil government devised 
fuir and equitable adjustments of the consti- by man has the rigiit of the people as the 
tutiuu. was left in the hands „[' tho i)eoplc of'source of all power been recognised, and the 



reserved prerogative of each component or- 
ganization been carefully preserved in the for- 
mation of a central governing body, until our 
fathers distributed all power from the centre 
to the circumference. It was the pervading 
thought of Jefferson's mind, through his ac- 
tive career, and on into the decline of his 
life. He labored incessantly, even after he 
had retired ftom public service, to secure the 
division of the counties of Virginia into 
wards or towns, believing that this minute 
subdivision of power is indispensable to the 
working of a true republic. This was the 
spirit which prevailed in the colonies, which 
was never lost sight of in the revolution, 
and which became embodied in the Constitu- 
tion. We sit here to-night under the work- 
ings of this benignant system. In her own 
municipal organization, this city jf Lynn 
has no dictator, no power beyond her limits 
to decide what is best for her internal inter- 
ests. You build your own streets, you erect 
your own school houses, you pass all laws 
for your own municipal regulation, under 
powers reserved for you by tho constitution 
of this Commonwealth. Not for a moment 
would you tolerate outside interference. No 
neighboring town can have a voice in your 
affairs. As citizens of Essex County, you 
enjoy the same privileges. You have your 
rights as a County, organized as you are for 
the preservation of peace and good order and 
for the administration of local justice. You 
have reserved this power from the State. — 
Would you endure for a moment any assump- 
tion of the power by citizens of a neighbor 
Ting county, or would you resign it into the 
hands of that central organization, from 
which you have kept it sacred ? As a com 
monwealth, moreover, as a State under this 
confederation, Massachusetts holds her posi 
tion, supreme and sovereign, so far as her 
domestic institutions are concerned, and no 
legislation beyond her limits can possibly 
interfere with her high estate. Her people 
would not resign this right Be the foe for 
eign or native, be the interference an act of 
Congress, or the incursion of a neighboring 
state, the same spirit of freedom which in 
spired our fathers gathering from their fur- 
rows to fight the battles of their country, 
would nerve our arms to a new contest for 
popular rights. Tor it is these rights reserv- 
ed to us, which make the people of this con 
federation greater than Presidents, or Cab 
inets or Senates, placing the highest power 
in our country in the hands of those whose 



fiat makes Presidents, and whose word brings 
Senates back from doing its service. 

To these rights of the states, and to these 
powers of citizenship, fellow democrats, I 
know no limit. There is no boundary line 
within our republic beyond which these pow- 
ers cannot extend. We claim them for our- 
selves, and we are compelled to grant them 
to others. They belong to Ohio, and Ken- 
tucky, to South Carolina and California in 
the same measure that they do to Massa- 
chusetts. They are not shut out from the 
territories. The public domain out of which 
new states are to be carved, belongs to the 
people of this republic, and as they enter 
upon it they cany with them the rights of 
citizenship which the Constitution guaran- 
tees, enabling them to enjoy those privi- 
leges there, which they have enjoyed in their 
original homes. If this assembly of the 
citizens of Lynn should leave this common- 
wealth tomorrow and enter upon the tcrrito- 
ial possessions of the United States, to cul- 
tivate the lands and establish their own in- 
stitutions, the flag of their country would go 
with them, the Constitution would extend its 
broad cegis over them, they would carry with 
them a name and a power greater than ever 
Roman enjoyed — the name and power of an 
American citizen. In this enjoyment the 
Constitution knows no distinction, "no North, 
no South, no East, no West," but to all men 
of every section it secures their domestic in- 
stitutions, their property, and bestows on 
Congress simply the power to see that the 
guarantees of the Constitution are all ful- 
filled. 

This, fellow citizens, is what we call 
the sovereignty of the people, It is no 
"modern heresy." It was proclaimed early 
in our history. It has been sanctioned by 
the democratic party in its conventions. It 
has never been I'esigncd, except when an 
emergency seemed to require it, and even 
then against the earnest solicitations of our 
profoundest statesmen. You will find it in 
the declarations of our leaders, made from 
time to time as each crisis in our country 
has arisen. It lay at the foundation of the 
Kansas-Nebraska act, that great step in the 
cause of constitutional freedom on this con- 
tinent, which has already made the name of 
our New England President illustrious in 
our annals. It is the basis of the platform 
of the party laid down at Cincinnati in 1856, 
and was the great rallying cry of the demo- 
cratic party during that memorable cam- 



pniL'n. It was adopted by James Buchanan'the "national democracy," gentlemen, from 
■ • „tcd to the Amrri- whiVh the?e repuWicans have drawn their 

.1- i'uit high . iriccplutforra — not from a party \\lucli in its na- 
wLich lUv U'.-'U.unl 11)011 him as a reward tiuiijll cjnvtutioub ropre^'euts but sistceii 
lor a long'lifc of faithful service as a demo- states of this confederation, nut from a party 
cratio .statesman, and lie declared that :— jwhich runs a dividing line tlirough our Un- 
The rec.nt legislation of Congress res;pcct- ion as the very first act of its existence, 
inidomcseic slavery, derived as it has Lcen, not from a party which claims to its own 
from the original and p' re fountain of le- section (f the country all the privileges 
gitimate i/oliticul power, the will of the ma- which the Constitution secures, not to a par- 
joritv. promi.-'es ere long to allay the danger- ty whi h makes open war upon one half of 
ous cxcit mcnt. This legislation is found- our Union, but to the "national democracy," 
cd upon principles as ancient as free govern- that great fraternity whose fellowship ex- 
ment it.<elf. and. in accordance with them tends to the fa thest bounds of our republic, 
has fimplv declared that the pcop'eof a tcr-and in whose ranks the brother from South 
ritory. like iho«e of a state shall decide for<'arclina joins hands wich the brother from 
thenis'elvcs w ftiier Slavery shall or Massachusetts, with that warmth of gi-asp 
SHALL NOT EXIST -vviTiiiN' THEIR LIMITS," — which dcmocrat should give democrat here 
'i'hi< interpretation of the rights of the peo- in our own sti-eets. 1 accept the^ compii- 
ple has l^cu sanctioned by^'the opinion of ment to the "national democracy," and I 
the Supreme Curt of the 'United States.— proclaim here, as I have proclaimed else- 
And lastlv. gentlemen, it has been accepted where, that the "national deniocracy" has 
by the republican party of IMa'^sachu-etts as always been true to this doctrine of this res- 
the only gi-ound upon which their changingolution, that it has never ceased to advocate 
leaders' can now stand before the people.— it, and that in all our i)ast history it has 
Doyoi duubt this? Let me read to you a been our opponents alone, those who now 
resolution adopted by this party in their a. 'opt what we laid down here in our own 
convention in this state last car. When state ten years ago, who have violated the 
the Bankses and Wilsons and Builingamcs'great constitutional principle which they 
marshalled the "friends of freedom" to a'now take to hide their own political deform- 
new cont st here, they looked through thcity- 



record of their own party to find material 
f n- a platform, and among their Wilmot pro- 



It is on this principle, fellow democrats, 
chat we desire t) settle this question of slav- 



i>os and Missouri Compromi.ses they found'ery, which is now distracting our country. 

We have tried every expedient in vain. We 
have ofiered every reasonable compromise to 
our opponents, without effect. Step by step 
the necessity has come upon us of resorting 
to the only jirinciplc of the Constitution by 
which such a conflict can be settled — a prin- 
ciple upon which democratic statesmen have 
turned tlieir eyes through all the shifting 
scenes of this agitation since 1820, down to 
this very hour. Upon its adoption as the 
basis of our national policy, our national ex- 
lic ion l)y 'Congress over the matter of slav- istencc de]->cnds. And yet it is the adoption 
cry in the territories; but is in favor of lcav-|of this principle which has brought upon the 
ingto the i.e<'j»le who inhaliit them the right heads of the national democracy this eternal 
to cstablisli and regulate their own djmes-|and unceasing charge of being engaged in 
tic institutions and lelations, under the gcn-'cxteiiding slavery tliroughout the territories, 
oral jirineif.lcs of the Constitution; and this Because the democratic party has stood by 
is u claim for tlicia which cannot be disal- the Constituiion. because it has anticipated 
h.wed by the national democracy, devoted as the Supreme Court in its decisions, because 
it iH to th<- lik-rtv. e.|uality. and fraternity ten years ago it laid down a platform which 
of this great brothcrhn.xl i'>\' state-"." its enemies now adopt, it is charged with 

I look ui^m this as a liigh tribute to tlic unwavering devotion to the South and her 
wi-Uora of the "national democracy." It is institutiuns. Now, gentlemen, the democi-at- 



U'-'thi g that could stand the test of an hour 
b -fore the people. Interference by Congres 
in the states and territories seemed but poor 
doctrine for these modern times. It was a 
democratic resolution which offered the only 
safe lb ithold for them. And with unparal- 
h'lcd effrontery, with their record behind 
them, they unlilushingly resolved 

"That in the language of the Massacliu- 
setts democratic convention of 1 8-18, this Con 
vent ion is opposed to the exercise of any ju 
ris( 



ic party knows no distiuctions among thejfifty years in extending slavery. This may 
states of this confederation, and it has neveribe so — but considering the fact that the 
known any. You are told that it has chang- democratic party has been in power more 
ed its policy, and is not the democracy of |than three quarters of the time, it has met 
Jackson and Silas Wright. You are told: with but poor success in its peculiar calling, 
that it has deserted the ancient faith. Butjl find that on the adoption of that constitu- 
if you will look over the record of its lead-'tion, there were but thirteen states, all in- 
ing statesmen for the last forty years, if you terested more or less in the institution of 
will read its platf trms, if you will examine, slavery, and all reserving to themselves the 
its acts, you will find that the doctrines ofjright to regulate this matter according to 
that resolution which I have just read hasi their own interests and necessities. And at 
been the guide to all its operations, and the a time when the constitution left this mat- 
light of all its counsels. The democratic Iter with the states in their sovereign capac- 
party changed I Why, had you lived in the ity, the slave states had a strong body of 
days of Jefferson you would have heard this, representatives in Congress. In 1811 the 
same pro-slavery charge brought against it. difference in favor of the free states was on- 
In 1812, the opposition had no other weapouily fifteen, But under the auspices of that 
to use against us. In 1820, the cry was party which has enlarged our borders and 



still against the pro-slavery democracy. It 
was continued throughout the administration 
of Jackson and Van Buren. It 1 84i it 



multiplied our states the majority of free- 
state representatives has reached fifty-three. 
Is this the work of the opposition ? Can 



burst out with renewed fury. In 1848, itithe party which in all its Protean shapes 
was repeated. In 1852, you heard it from has risen up against the democracy, and has 
one end of the land to the othftr. In 1856 opposed the acquisition of new territory, and 
the whole rally of the opposition was uponthe introduction of new states, which would 
this charge. You hear it at this day. Howjhave confined our republic between the At- 
then has the democratic party changed? Iflantic coast and the Mississippi, which re- 
in the opinion of its opponents it was pro-sisted the purchase of Louisiana, a:;d con- 
slavery half a century ago, and is pro-slav-jsidered the annexation of Texas "of no bind- 
ery now, how can it have changed? I take;ing force whatever," can this party claim 
their own groundwork of assault as a proof Ithe distinguished honor of thus enlargi g the 
of the unwavering and persistent and con-jpower of the free states in Co gi'ess ? Why 
sistent course of the "national democracy. "lit is ore of the proudest boasts of the "na- 
According to the testimony of our opponents.'tio'ial democracy" that under their interpre- 
our crime has been the same throughout thetation of the constitution, the fou daiio i of 
whole life of our party. And you may learn our republic is so broad that state upon 
froin the testimony of our friends that our state can be added to the columu u:itil it 
virtues as a party have been the same. No reaches the arch of heaven. It has bee.i. 
fellow-democrats, our party has not changed, ad is their work to multiply sta'es here^ in 
It is the same party of constitional fieedomthis confederation, regardless of the i.istitu- 
to-day that it was when the constitutionitions of the people, and requiring only that 
was adopted. It accepted in 1791 the greatltheir government should be republican in 
truth of Jefferson with regard to the rights its form. 

Have you forgotten that wh^n the Mis- 
=!0u I i compromise was pas^^ed it was de 



of the states and it has never abandoned it 
It is the party of freedom now as it was then. 
And if you will bear with me for a few mo- 
ments, I will present to you ns I had occa- 
sion to do repeatedly to the democratic par- 
ty throughout the New England States, in 
our last national cam^Taign the fidelity of the 
democracy to the great interests of this re 
public regardless of sectional divisions, and 
the entire inconsistency of its opponents..^ 

I have told you that this "pro-slavery" 
charge i-. no new complaint of the opposition 

The democratic party has been engaged - - • j 

according to the opposition for more than|United States, and by treaty consigned to 



nounced as an act of the "pro-slavery" de- 
mocr-icy ? Why, that measure was never 
even acceptabL^ to the soundest deui icratic 

tatc'^men. Jefferson looked upon it_ with 
intense alarm, and foretold its inevitable 

eneal. It was fidopted with the h )pe of 
all lying this no'thern agitation. It involv- 
.-d the dedication by the south of a large 
^ract of country Iving north of 36 degrees 
rod ^^0 n inute^ north l.ititnde. b-iug a 

lart (if ri.e ier;it;-r) coaea i>: F.^uicc i'; the 



8 



slavery, to the free stales. It wasinlcndedolerf^yinc'U of New Eiiglaucl appealed to 
as a peacemaker. And yet your own faith- Almighty God lo prevent the passage of 
ful representative from Massachusetts Mr. the act. It was the last great step of the 
Shaw of Lanesborough, the senator from'" national democracy," we were told, in 
New Hampshire Mr. Parrot, Mr. Lanmanthe infomous work of extending slavery, 
of Citiinecticut were all insulted aud burnt And yet it embodied the sentiments and 
in etligy, by these very men who now talk 'almost the very words of the resolution I 
about "tliat sacred compact," and mob the have read to you. It is the embodiment 
men of the north who voted to repeal it. of that very doctrine which the republican 
'fhcv hang and burn our effigies if wc vote'pariy now claim as their own. You have 
forthecouipromisc. aud they hang and burn been told by republicans in your own coun- 
us if we vote against it. Can you tell me ty that Kansas was comiug out of her 
how we are to satisfy these modern samples troubles because the " guarantees of the 
of consistency, whose great charge is thatlNebraska bill are all furtilled." And you 
the democracy changes its policy ? |may learn from the Hon. Eli Thayer, the 

■\Vhou the Mexican war was fought andgentleman who enlarges his party by col- 
thoso deeds of valor were enacted, whichlonizing, the most vigorous opponent of the 
ave us along line of heroes, warriors and democracy, that Kansas is a free state 



statesmen, and added new lustre to our 
name as a warlike people, this "pro-slav- 
ery" charge was heard once more. Can 
any man point to the power it has given the 
.^outh ? Is not the addition of the rich and 
prosperous State of California, a free state, 



opening her markets for oar manufacturei-,, 
pouring her golden treasures into our lap, 
establi.-hing free institutions on the shore 
of the Pacific and carrying our constitu- 
tion there, a glorious reward for that strug- 
gle ? Aud yet this was the work of "the 
national democracy," sustaining the honor 
and laboring for the prosperity of our coun- 
try, while this freedom-loving opposition 
were praying that our soldiers in Mexico 
might be welcomed "with bloody hands to 
hospitable graves." 

An ardent republican undertook to reply 
t3 mc in a neighboring town not many 
nights ago, and he claimed that no credit 
\yas duo the democratic party for the addi- 
tion of a free state out of territory acquired 
by the jAIcxican war— but that the Provi- 
dence of God used the party in this instance 
for high and good purposes. This may be 
so, my friends, but did it ever occur to you 
that tlio Providence of God never usedthe 
republican party for any good purposes? 

A^rain, fellow citizens, when the Kansas 



because the Missouri Compromise was re* 
pealed, and the Kansas-Nebraska act was 
passed. I believe with Mr Eli Thayer. 
At the time of the passage of the bill, I 
foretold that in ten years you could not 
find a man who was ever opposed to the 
Nebraska act. Not five years have rolled 
away, and the opposition have already be- 
gun to claim it as their policy, and to as- 
cribe to it the consummation of their wish- 
es. The justice and constitutionality of the 
bill no man could deny. It had the very 
light of freedom irradiating every line of its 
various sections. It proclaimed a system 
of government which had made every old 
state free and sovereign, and will make 
every new one another star in our galaxy. 
The freedom it bestowed upon the people 
of Kansas, is precisely that freedom which 
we enjoy in Massachusetts, and which we 
should claim were we to leave our "stern 
rnd rock-bound coast" for the broad and 
verdant savannahs of the south. It left 
the people free to "settle tlicir own affairs 
in their own way" under the constitution. 
I had the honor of defending the bill be- 
fore the democrats of this county in con- 
vention, in the first speech delivered in its 
behalf in New England. I have never 
ceased to be proud of the reception you gave 



.N(!ljraska act was passed, the measure of me, and of that flattering consideration 
tliose agitators seemed to be full. The which prompted you to circulate that 
whole land rung witii their indignant pro- speech Ihrougiiout your party. I defended 
tests. Every art that the ingenuity of man it because I thought it contained the funda- 
could devise to prevent and misrepresent mental doctrines of freedom. I defended 
r- ^''j-J''^^ adopted. The senate of the it because it declared "its intent and mean- 
I nit«-( Stales was made the scene of theingto be not to legislate slavery into the 
rno.sf, dishonest parlizan movement, ever territories nor out of them." 1 defended it 
known in the country. Three Ihou-and because it extended "equal and exact jus- 



9 



tide" to all the people and all states iaour 
confederation. ^ And I here declare tliat on 
no other consideration would I have de- 
fended it. Had I supposed it was intended 
to carry slavery ijito Kansas, or to give 
any one state an undue advantage over 
another there, had I supposed tha't ils ob- 
ject was to interfere with the rights of the 
people of that territory, or to give them 
over to the tender mercies of congress, my 
tongue should have cleaved to the roof of 
my nioutli before I would have sustained it. 
I believed then, and I believe now, that the 
principles incorporated in the bill is dear 
To the hearts of the American people, and 
that it will lead any parly on to victory. 
I do not wonder, fellow democrats, that 
our rei)ublican opponents are anxious to 
adopt it. AVill they be honest and honor- 
able, and acknowledge that the "national 
democracy" was not devoted to slavery 
when they passed the bill ? 

Have you discovered, fellow citizens, in 
these acts any foundatioB for the pro-slav- 
ery charge prepared against the democratic 
party? I find none. I find that by word 
and deed, they have indicated an even- 
handed and impartial regard for the whole 
miion. lu all the attempts that have been 
made to pervert their acts there has been 
this one all-pervading policy. J.n the con- 
flict in Kansas, which was nothing more 
nor less than a fight between a wretched, 
miserable band of border-ruflfiansfrom Mis- 
souri, and an equally miserable wretched 
band led on by Gren. Lane from the New 
England states, you all know what constant 
efforts were made by your democratic 
3h-csident to preserve peace and good order 
there. You all know how promptly a dem- 
ocratic senate endeavoi'ed to repeal the ob- 
. iioxious laws thei-e. You all know the 
course pursued by a republican house of 
Representatives in their bill fastening slav 
ry upon Kansas. And if you have followed 
out the history of the republican party in 
these matters, you have seen with aston- 
ishment their action upon the Lecompton 
hill during the last session of congress. 
The "Lecompton swindle," as they called 
it, was the sum of all human horrors. They 
denounced it with new zeal. They de- 
nounced the convention which framed the 
Lecompton constitution. They denounced 
the territorial legislature which called that 
convention. They denounced the voters who 
Kiistained that legislature. They had their 
o 



alternative by which they'were to lire or die. 
The constitution which the free state men 
bad adopted at Topeka, that work of a 
factious party in the territory, they declar- 
ed to be the only constitution' which by any 
act of theirs should be fastened uponKan- 
sas. They refused to recosjnize any act of 
the territorial legislature directly or indi- 
rectly. But as time went on, Mr. Critten- 
den of Kentucky presented a bill upon the 
Lecompton question io the senate ; it came 
down to the house and Mr. Montgomery 
of Pennsylvnnia moved an amendment to 
the bill, — the substance of both being that 
if the people of Kansas desired to come in- 
to the union under the Lecompton constitu- 
tion they could do so — and proclaiming 
that : — 

'' r/tc people of the teriilory of Kansas did, by 
convention of delegates assembled at Lecompton on 
the Atk day of September, 1857, for that purpose, 
formfor themselves a constitution and state gov- 
crnmciit, which said consiituion is republican in 
form. ' ' 

For this bill the republicans in the house 
voted. It was hard work for some of them, 
but they did it, and down went their Tope- 
ka constitutions, and all their charges 
against the unconstitutionality of the terri- 
torial legislature. Their glorious project of 
freedom was thrown to the winds. Once 
more they were compelled to recognize the 
propriety and legitimacy of democratic poli- 
icy. Again they abandoned their old ground, 
and went before the country, a contemptible 
party of expedients, devoid of principle, de- 
void of honesty, devoid of that sense of rec- 
titude which is always more triumphant than 
the thousand shifts of the artful and cuu- 
ning. 

When I contemplate the course of such a 
party, when I consider the intricacies of its 
career, when I bring to my mind the ever 
shifting expedients to which it is obliged to 
resort, m its vain endeavors after victory, 
and compare it with that great party whose 
path to victory is laid down in the constitu- 
tion, and which pursues but one course in 
its policy, I am reminded of that old fable 
of the cat and the fox. A democratic cat 
and a republican fox sat beneath a tree one 
summer afternoon discoUi-sing upon the 
chances and changes of life, and while the 
fox boasted of the thousand expedients by 
which he could escaf)e from the hounds, 
and told of all his doublings and turnings, 
his Wilniot Provisos, his Dunn's bills, his 



10 

rrittcndcn-Montgomcry bills, Lis protcc-'cclio the voice of Lis party, as expressed in 
live lariffs, iiiid Lis Missouri compromiscs.lLis state. It is unnecessary for lue to dis- 
t he c;it. sat looking demurely on thinking cuss I\Ir. Alley here. You know Lim better 
only of tlic superior prowess of Ler sly re-lhan I do. As he has spoken no word, and 
J publican neighbor. At that moment tLe made no sign in this campaign, I am autLor- 
Luunds Love in sight, and as the cat rushed ized to believe that lie is contented with rep- 
u[) the broad overarching constitutional tree resenting that party whose crooked and dc- 



beneath which they sat. she locked down 
from her jilace of safety to sec her adroit 
and wily ccmpaninn torn into more pieces 
than he hadcxjiedicnts, or than his party 
had jdaidcs to their platform, I think the 
moral is a good one. 

For myself, for my party, for my country, 
1 claim but one ark of safety — the consti- 
tution with its guarantees. And when I 
look back over the history of the two par- 
ties into which our people are divided, and 
find on one side, as I have shown you, a 
steady and consistent observance of the doc- 
trine contained in the resolution I have read, 
a fearless fidelity to the common rights and 



vious ways I have endeavored to mark out 
to you. You know whether he possesses 
these public and private characteristics 
which make him a fit representative of that 
party. And I leave it to you to say whether 
in smoking them out, I have not also smok- 
ed out their candidate. If he enjoys the 
awkward position in Avhich he is placed by his 
friends, standing upon a democratic resolution 
to fight the democratic party, he is certainly 
well qualified to enjoy the kind of success, 
such a position may possibly bring. It is 
not surprising that he should show no dis- 
position to discuss the leading questions of 
the day, under these circumstances. I leave 



interests of our whole country — and on thc^him with his party, to avail himself of any 
other a temporizing, inconsistent and eva- new "expedient" which may arise, 
give policy, I am proud to take my stand But, fellow democrats, I find myself not 
with Jefferson and Jackson, as a "national engaged in single combat in this campaign, 
democrat." If they were pro-slavery, I amKVhen I entered upon the work of defending 
content in my huml)le way, to accept the democratic principles I supposed I should be 
same title. I could not come before the hon-jobli^ed to meet the open and avowed enc- 
ost voters of this district, the candidate of jmies of the party alone. I did not antici- 
that party which in its national convention jpate a triangular content. I knew that an 
in ISOG, resolved: — Ihonest defifccratic convention, after a fair 

"That the constitution confers upon con- and honorable struggle, had selected myself 
grcss sovereign power over the territories ofjas the candidate of'the party in this district. 
the T'nited States for their government, andji expected to receive that support which I 
that in the exercise of this power it is the was ready to give. Had the choice of that 
right and imperative duty of congress to pro-:Convcntion fallen elsewhere, you would have 
Libit in the territories these twin relics of.found me a soldier fighting in the ranks as 
barbarism, polygamy and slavery ;" — and in'caniestly as the most ardent among you. 
its Massachusetts state convention in 1859, jThe platform upon wLicL I took my stand 
declared tliat "tins convention is opposed to|wLcn I was nominated, is tLat by wLicL a 
tlie exercise of any jurisdiction by congress;demoeratic administration is now conducting 
over tlic matter of slavery in the territories."jthc affairs of the country. Your resolutions 
1 could not do this ami look honest men in'so declare. And I look upon the efforts of a 
the face. 1 leave such work for candidates disappointed aspirant, going out of that con- 
who have their "thousand expedients," and vcntion, and using a false charge of fraud 
who prefer to exercise them, rather than for an opportunity to gratify his personal 
to look the men of this District fin the|malice, and an insult to the democratic party 
face. J leave it to the republican candidate and to a democratic administration, 
here, in your own city— a gentleman, who,| It is such defection as this, that has 
after a long life of bitter sectional agitation,lbrought forward in our district, what is 
in which he has proclaimed uncomiiromisiiig'called an "independent candidate" — that 
war upon one f-cction of our country, and kind of politician, which Burke calls "the 
na.s defied constitutidii and law in his abo- most dangerous and mischievous of all pjli- 
lition zeal, now seems to be filled with a ticians." A coalition of fjictions in our dis- 
suddcn ficnsc of tLe riglits of nm- citizens in'trict Las selected a gentleman to represent 
the tornt-ries. if wr may suppose Lim t()|tLcir views, who L;u> been a long time in 



11 



search of a party, and has at last found onelgocs there, except by act of congress, and 
among men who arc ready to go far back that any people can go there except by au- 
into the archives of tlic old Essex junto, for thority from congress. He seems to consid- 
their platform of faith. Perhaps this is all cr those clauses of the constitution by which 
well enough. It giyes that venerable body the government of the United States ^is 



an opportunity to speak once more, in the 
person of the Hon. Otis P. Lord. And I 
confess that I have been entertained and 
amused, with the exhibition of the rare and 
respectable relics of antiquity, which has 
been made by him, under the superinten- 
dence of a few dissatisfied democrats, whose 
names shall never be perpetuated by any 
word of mine, and whose chjiracter you all 
fully understand. 

1 have no doubt Mr. Lord thinks he is 
serving his country and his party, by tak- 
ing his present position in this district. 
But I tell you, fellow democrats, and all na- 



clothed with power to declare war and make 
treati^, as conferring upon government the 
sole and absolute control of territory acquir- 
ed in any manner — in fact the possession 
and ownership of lands not divided into or- 
ganized states. Under this theory of gov- 
ernment, it is natural that he should declare 
that "this government has power over the 
territories — that power which any sover- 
eign GOVERNMENT HAS O^TJR TERRITORY THAT 
IS ACQUIRED BY WAR OR TREATY ;" and that 

"absolute, supreme, unlimited power" should 
be exercised by congress over the territories. 
It is natural that he should look with a jeal- 



tioual men, he has presented a platform ofious eye upon any construction of the cou 
principles to the voters here, far more dan- stitution which would "give up the territo- 
gerous and far more sectional than any that'ries to anybody and everybody who happens 



our more adroit and nimble opponents have 
dared to promulgate. I pass by his Amer- 
icanism — for the compliments I have heard 
him pay the American party in times past, 
enables me to set a true value upon his pro- 
fessions on that matter. I will not discuss 
his theory of a high protective tariff — for I 
take it for granted that he who nrides him- 
self upon having been baptized inwthe faith, 
and rather despises a new convert, will nev- 
er learn that the people of this country re- 
jected the impoverishing and exclusive sys- 
tem of protection long ago, and crushed it 
out beyond the hope of redemption. But . I 
desire to dwell for a few moments upon his 
theory of the power of Congress over the ter 
ritories, in order that all national men who 
are asked to vote for him, may see where he 
is leading them, and in order to confirm my 



to go there." And it , is natural moreover 
that he should find himself, in his definition 



of the duties of a representative m congress, 
limited to the state from which he is sent — 
he might have added be it South Carolina 
or Massachusetts. 

Now, fellow democrats, I have not been 
taught to understand our r.ational govern- 
ment, or to read our constitution in any 
such way as this. In the convention which 
framed our constitution, a contest arose be- 
tween the advocates on the one hand of just 
such a government as that laid down by Mr. 
Lord — a government intended as Hamilton 
expressed it, "to swallow up the state pow- 
ers"— and on the other hand, the advocates 
of a federal compact, a league among the 
states, a confederation of co-equal powers, a 
union of sovereign states, a federal organiza- 



statement that he presents a system of gov- tion, expressed by that great synonym of re- 
ernment which no free people, no free con- publican freedom, the United States ot 
federation, no free state would tolerate for America, 
an hour. I propose to show that he is an 
agitator of the most dangerous sort. 

In his speech at Salem, accepting the 
nomination as an "independent candidate," 
Mr. Lord defines our system of governmen^t, 
as an independent authority created by "the 
people of the United States," and clothed 
with delegated powers, not in the form of a 



Thank God, this latter policy 
prevailed. And we are living to-day, not 
under a government consolidated foi- the cre- 
ation of national supreme power, not under 
a government of the people of this country, 
not under a government which has "su- 
preme, absolute, unlimited power" over the 
territories as the property of government — 
but under a eederal constitution, under a 
confederacy of sWes but in the form of a'government composed of powers delegated 
sovereign government, intended to create alby the states with a jealous regard for their 
sovereign nation. Under the control of this own rights, under a government denomma- 
supreme power, he places the territory of the ted by Washington "the federal government 
United States, denvine that the constitution of these states," under a government which 



12 

elmply liolJs the territory of the Unitcclliy France, as a free and sovereign state in 
States in trust under safe keeping, for the our rcpuljlie, is above the colonial possessions 
common occupation of the states. The con- of Great Britain on this continent, or the 
stitution, in its body recognizes no otherVelation uhich conquered Algeria holds to 
form of government than a federal form, in her imperial conqueror. 
lx)th branches of Congress the existence ofl ]\Ir. J.ord thinks the Cl«cf Justice of the 
states as distinct and independent comrauni-jSupremc Court of the United States in sup- 
ties, and not as "districts of one great com- porting this view of the Constitution v.'as 
munity." And if our opponents -will read guilty of heresy — that there is a fallacy in 
t'ae history of their country aright, they- will'his argimient. Perhaps there is. 15ut I 
lind tliat tlie tirst act apportioning the mcm-|am fully as ready to take my understanding 
bersofthe House of Jteprescntatives, was'of the Constitution from "that most able jur- 
vetocd by Washington, because it assumedist and pure-minded man" Judge Taney, 
as its basis of apportionment the existence supported as he is by all sound democratic 
of one nation or community, and not the ex- authority, ly our statesmen, by our party 
isteuce of so many independent states. Itiaction, as I am to be taught my duty in this 
■was the states, which made the constitution, Ircspect by an able and skillful Essex Coun- 
and it is the states which through their leg-!ty Lawyer, supported by t^ic abandoned and 
jslatures or throu.irh conventions called for exploded theories of unsuccessi'al sta-tesmcn. 



the purpose, can alone amend the constitu 
tion, by an agreement of three-fotirths of 
their number. \\'c ought never to lose 
sight of this distinctive character of our 
government. It is the foundation of all our 
power. It enables our republic to expand 
by the multiplication of free and sovereign 
communities, each one of which feels the full 
value jfits relation to tl>c confederation, and 
of ihe powers it has delegated to the gener- 
al government. 

1 conceive it to be a federal constitution 



and by the expedicnls of narrow rainded pol- 
iticians, who have never learned that they 
have any obligations to their country, be- 
yond the limits of Massachusetts. 

AYheu moreover Mr. Lord appeals to Mr. 
Calhoun as he does to sustain him in his in- 
terpretation of the Constitution, and his un- 
derstanding of the powers of congress in the 
territories, I too appeal to Mr. Callioun, and 
in order that you may judge wbo is right 
in this matter. Mr. Lord, who has not given 
a single Y\m from Mr. Calhoun, or myself. 



of this description whicli extends over thc'I quote fr« a speech of this great statesman 
territories as the common property of the 'delivered in the United States Senate in 
L'nited States. If it is true, as Mr. Lord^] 841), upon this very question of the exten- 
avers, that "the Constitution of the Unitedjsion of the Constitution over the territories. 
States to-day is limited to the people of the'He says : — 

I'nitcd States," I claim that the people ofj ."The constitution interprets itself. lb" 
the I nitcd States are to be found, wherever,prouounces itself to be the supreme law of 
our territorial pssessions extend. A citi-!the land. The territories of the United 
izcn of .Massachusetts who leaves his homelstates, are a part of the land. It is the su- 
liere for the enjoyment of new social relations, preme law, not within the limits of the union 
and for tlie foririation of a new civil organi-j merely, but wherever our flag waves — wher- 
zation wiihiii the limits of temtory belong-jcver our aiithority goes, the constitution in 
ing to the Cni ted States, carries the flag of jpart goes, not all its provisions certainly, 
the I nion with hrm. Tlie constitution at-, but all its suitable pronsions. AVhy, can 
tends hiin. lie goes with the supreme law'we have any authority beyond the coustitu- 
of tlie land, a free, American citizen, to|tion ? I put this question solemnly to gei> 
tound a free, American, republican statdtlemen ; if tlie constitution docs not go there, 
'I his i.s the peculiar genius of our govern-[how are we to have any authority or juris- 
m.-nt— that genius which enables our people lUction whatever? Is not congress the 
to buii.l up not tiibutary colonies, but sov-'creaturc of the constitution ? Does it not 
<rcigu incuilM'rs of our glorious confederation, ihold its existence upon the tenure of the 
It is this which distinguishes us as a pco-|constitution? And woidd it not be annihi- 
I'le. and elevates ^-vcry Hcttlement made bykted on the destruction of that instrument, 
Ameiican citizens on American soil, as far'and the consequent dissolution of the confed- 
ab<jve territories acquired by lloman con- eracy ? And shall we the creature of the 
que«'. or Loluiu'/,ed by Kngland, or subdued|Constitution, protend that we have anv au- 



13 



thority beyond the constitution?" |upon congress directly or indii-cctly. Hook 

It is no argument against this view to in vain for any implied power of this sort, 
say that it is iuapplicaulc to countries al- growing out of any possible method by which 
ready settled, and acquired by us by treaty territory may be acquired, by cession from 
or conquest. The constitution goes also, the states, or by war or treaty, with the au- 
wherever our treaties carry it, and in a form'thority which the war and treaty making 
and to an extent defined by treaty stipula-clauses of the constitution might be constru- 
tions. As in the case of New Mexico, so in'ed to confer. I look in vain foj- any power 
every other case. There our power becomes wliich congress possesses superior to the con- 
unlimited. The constitution carried there stitution. And I have a right, therefore to 



by treaty, cstablishod the rights of our citi- 
zens there. As Mr. Calhoun says, in his 
speech on the Oregon bill, in 1848 : — 

"As soon as the treaty between the two 
coun'rics is ratified, tlic sovereignty and au- 
thority of jMexico, in the territory acquired 
by it become extinct, and that of tlie United 
states is sub.stitutcd in its place, carrying 
with it the constitution, with it? overridijag 
control* over all the laws and institutions of 
Mexico inconsistent with it." 

The question now aris.es, what power has 
congress over the territories ? ]\[r. Lord 
says it has "absolute, supreme^ unlimited 
power," power to " exclude a class or a race 
even," power to "exclude tlie whole, if in the 
judgment of the country that was deemed 
good policy," power 1 suppose to exclude 
the people of one state and admit those of 
another, power to carry the Maine law into 
the territories, power to suspend^e writ of 
habeas corpus, power to raake la'^ro respect- 
ing the establisliment of religion, or prohib- 
iting its free exercise, power to pass ex post 
facto laws, power to establish a system of 
education, power to extend miuiicipal regu- 
lations over a territoj y, in violation of that 
right which our citizens have reserved of 
immediate control oyer those institutions 
upon which depend their social safety, pros 
pei'ity, and happiness. In his zeal to defend 
tlie absolute powers of the United States 
government, Mr. Lord claims for it not only 
proprietorship of the soil, but also "political 
sovereignty" — proprietorship of the people. 
And herein, let me suggest, lies his fallacy. 
The ccnstitution has conferred uo such pow- 
ej." on congress. It has given it none of that 
absolute control, which if it existed would 
remove from the people of the territo 
rics all jurisdiction, every prerogative which 
makes them free, and would place them in 
the hands of men thousands of miles away, 
ignorant and regardless of their dangers and 
necessities. Such a system would be ab- 
horrent to ever}' principle of our governnieut. 
It is a power M'hich has never been conferred 



believe that congress can never go into the 
territories, let them be acquired in \yhat 
manner soever they may, except as the agent 
of the constitution, to see that its require- 
ments be all fulfilled. A territorial exis- 
tence is usually attended with certain wants 
which the gcijeral government alone can 
suppl}^ It is a sort of pupilage, preparatory 
to assuming the responsibilities of a soverr 
eiga state. With but few inhabitants, the 
expenses of a government could not be borne. 
And when the general government supplies 
a territory with executive officers, with a 
judiciary, with post offices, land offices, and 
means of defense, it discharges a duty which 
interferes in no way with a free exercise by 
the citizens, of those rights and powers se- 
cured by the constitution, or with the poSr 
session of all property recognized as such ii} 
the several states. The power ef congress 
is limited to this, and can in no way invade 
the sovereignty of the people. And cveij 
this power small as it is, cannot be extended 
beyojjd that time, when the people ready to 
assume the responsibilities of government, 
present themselves at the doors of congress, 
with a republican constitution, and demand 
admission into the union as a sovereign 
state. I see nothing in this definition of 
the power of congress, which enables it to 
extend slavery jnto the territories, or exclude 
t therefrom ; but I do see that power grant- 
ed by those who would make congress su- 
preme in the territories, and would control 
its action, by a sectional struggle in which 
the victorious party gains possession of the 
common property of the confederation. — 
Should the day ever come, when congress 
shall endeavor to exerci>e that supreme pow- 
er in the territories, which is claimedfor it 
by the "independant candidate" for copgress 
in this district, a most dangerous blow will 
be struck at our republic. As a northern 
man I would not submit to it. Nothing but 
a victory of one section of this confederation 
over another, could possibly clothe congress 
with such power, with power to bind and loose,. 



14 



to include ami exclude according to its sorcr-!sf niggling for the possession of that power 
creign pleasure ; and were 1 a victor in the|Wluc;h goes with the general government, 
cuntlict 1 should look witli shame upon my But the common tie whicli united this 
trophic? — were I vanquished I would neveripowcrful family of states, and has extended 
silently submit to the tyrannical exercise ofonrfree institutions from sea to sea, siart- 
].(>\ver to which I should hi^ subjected. I praylling the nations of the earth with the vigor 
that the longest life in this hall may not ex- and grandeur of republican enterprise, 
tend over such a triumph : f u- whoever doescan exist no longer. A representative 
live to sec it, Avill Ixhold the great temple ofjof Massachusetts who forgets that he is 
our constitutional freedom totterino; from living under a flag whose folds are irradi- 



foundation to dome, on the verge of iudis- 
(.riminate ruin 

1 am ni>t surprised, fellow citizens, at the 
position in which Mr. Lord finds himself at 
the conclusion of his discourse upon the 
powers of congress, and the character of our 
constitution. He has no alternative but 
sectionalism. When he declares that "who- 
ever shall represent Massachusetts in con- 
gress, is not only recreant to his own con- 
stituents, not only recreant to himself, but 
he is recreant to the great interests of this 
ropulilic, if he cast a vote or does an act that 
.'^hall not tend to the establishment in every 
tcrritury of the free institutions and the free 
labor of Xcw England," he takes his stand 
with those men north and south who would 
pervert the constitution to their own section- 
al purposes. Let him transport himself to 
South Carolina, and the obligation which he 
has imposed upon himself would send him 



ated witli other stars than his own, is in- 
deed recreant to the constitution of his 
country. He labors for a civil coiivulsioni. 
He insults the memory of those illustrious 
statesmen who made Massachusetts what 
she is, by enrolling h«r name in a free con- 
federacy, and by securing to her citizens 
their share of the glory and prosperity of 
a great republic. He serves his stal^ best 
who serves his country best ; and who 
feels in bis heart the full power of that cit- 
izenship which the constitution carries into, 
our remotest borders, into territories wait- 
ing to receive our institutions, into the rich 
and luxuriant islands of the sea — a power 
which congress can neither give nor take 
away. He is the truest patriot who car- 
ries to the halls of congress, a comprehen- 
sive statesmanship, and a devotion to his 
whole countrv, which would ruise to a high 
and comm^ding equality all the states of 



to congress, if he sliould go there at all,iour confederation, and would give an hon 
bound to extend southern institutions over'orable recognition to those mutual rights 
every foot of American soil. Are there notjand interests which all have in our com- 
dutics higher than this? Did Massachu-mon possessions. Xot by advocating the 



setts join the confederation with a compla 
cent sense of her own superiority, and for 
her own agrandizcment, that she should 
call upon her representatives in congress, 
to forgot their obligations to her sister 



supreme power of congress in the territo- 
ries, not by ignoring the genius of the con- 
stitution, not by inflaming our country with 
sectional warfare, not by violating that 
sentiment of free citizenship which lies at 



stales, in tlieir devotion to herself? If the heart of the people, can a young man 
this be so, if each state is to feel that she'prepare the way for an honorable career, 
alone is entitled to the privileges which or an old one give new glory to the evening 
the constitution secures, we are not living of his days. For the constitution jTi-ovides 
in that republic which our fathers founded, ino home" for such heresies, on this couti- 
w;hen they proclaimed to the world, thatlncnt 



"ill order to form a more perfect union, es- 
tablish justice, insure domestic tranquility, 
provide for the common dcfi-nso, promote 
the general welfare, and secure the bless- 
ings of liberty to themselves, and their 



I hare been called upon, fellow demo- 
crats, to withdraw from this contest, and 
to give my support to Mr. Lord, as against 
Mr. Alley. Why I was thus called upon 
I could never exactly tell. Por I have 



jxistcrity, Ihcy did "establish this consti-lassurances in this tlirontred and crowdod 
tiition lor the United Slates of America."|hall, that there is a party in this city, 
II this be so, we have no tinion. Fear and which will never accept such doctrines as 
interest may bmd us together with tempoJMr. Lord has avowed, and such as Mr. 
rary bonds, a rivalry of slates, striving foriAlley believes. I have learned in the 
:>seendcncy in the national councils, and'campaign in this district that there is a 



\ 



15 



body of men within its limits, who have a 
quick and hearty sense of democratic truth, 
and who are not to be lured away from 
them by the sophistries or temptaiions of 
an "independant candidate," I have been 
placed in nomination by men who believe 
in the truth of democracy, in the wisdom 
of the supreme coiirt of the United States, 
in the power of the constitution, in the 
right of citizens in the territories, in the 
limited powers of congress, audinthe sov- 



ereignty of the people. And I shall stand 
by them as a part of the "national democ- 
racy," sustaining the only policy which 
has made our country great, and can carry 
it on to new and greater glory. I shall 
never withdraw from a contest with every 
form of sectionalism, under whatever 
name it may appear, until called upon to do 
so by that party which it is my pride and 
duty to defend and support. 



